I made a critical mistake the other day at my fitness center. I brought The New Yorker to read while I schlepped along on my elliptical runner. It was a great article: How to save youth football from injuring itself into extinction.
It wasn’t the article that caused my later issues. It wasn’t even the cover design, because let’s face it; the New Yorker can put out some crazy political covers. Witness the eight years of Barack Obama.
Did you know that Half Price Books takes the New Yorker in trade or cash and will pay more for those politically spectacular moments? That “fist bump” with the President and Michelle fetched at least $3.
This cover was entitled “Waterways” and was a dark watercolor image of ship lights on the Hudson River, I suppose – or maybe the lights at Ellis Island in the wet darkness. Whatever, it was the bold white letters “New Yorker” across the banner that did me in.
I had inadvertently peeled off my façade – my uniform whiteness, my Southside camaraderie, my required participation in seething anger. The guy behind me riding his stationary bicycle and watching one of the four big screen stations tuned to Fox News noticed the magazine’s title. John Dillon
More than 5,000 supporters of Planned Parenthood turned out in St. Paul Saturday to counter the protest of forced-birthers who seek to defund the women’s health organization.
One thing Rahm Emanuel and other mayors should stop doing is giving parenting tips to black people
— Ramsin 🌹 Canon (@ramsincanon) February 12, 2017
GUADALUPE GARCÍA DE RAYOS: [translated] Arpaio, Arpaio—I was the victim of former County Sheriff Joe Arpaio. After following through with the process, all was good. I was given permission. I was working. And everything was going well. And then, with the check that was done, the felony that Arpaio gave me came back, which made me a criminal. For them, I am a criminal. The simple fact that I work made me a criminal to them. I don’t think that is just. … Imagine that I underwent a checkup every year, and they wait, and they see that everything is good. And then they say, no, they cannot give me permission, that I will be arrested. They practically took away my right that I had before, for the felony that I previously had. Democracy Now!
Betsy DeVos Made Me Want To Run For School Board https://t.co/8yZiiwwBCX
— NPR Politics (@nprpolitics) February 12, 2017
The Trump Administration has taken sweeping, drastic measures that it says are necessary to protect Americans from the threat of terrorism, including its executive order halting immigration from seven Muslim-majority countries. But the radical policies and beliefs of this administration could just as easily end up fueling the narratives of extremist groups fighting the United States. When Trump ran a campaign built on promises to destroy ISIS, how can one explain the fact that supporters of the group in Mosul were reportedly celebrating his Muslim ban?
The order was based on plainly dubious claims about national security, targeting for scrutiny some of the most heavily vetted visitors to the United States. But the tangible purpose it did serve, before being at least temporarily frozen by the courts, was to divide Americans from millions of people in the Muslim world by sending the latter a message of gratuitous insult and contempt — and emboldening the very extremist movements the order was ostensibly directed against.
That kind of polarization may be exactly what some members of the White House want. High-ranking members of the current administration — most notably its chief strategist, Steve Bannon — have publicly espoused apocalyptic theories of history that center on a forthcoming clash between Western countries and the Muslim world, a conflict that many of them seem to perceive as both inevitable and desirable. The Intercept